ملک فاضلی در گفتگو با خبرنگار خبرگزاری خانه ملت ، در واکنش به انتشار اخبار مبنی بر این که این روزها حوادث تلخ و ناگواری برای کودکان معصوم بلوچ به دلیل حمله به گاندوها یا غرق شدن در رودخانه های خروج مدام دوباره و حسرت و اندوهی : وقتی در یک منطقه محرومیت ایجاد می شود اولین شکار در کودکان ایجاد می شود و این امری انکارناپذیر است ، اما باید به این نکته توجه داشته باشید که نوع نگاه به این موضوع در انواع مختلف متفاوت است و مشکلات یک استان محروم بیشتر از سایر موارد خود را نشان یافته شده است.
نماینده مردم سراوان، سیب، سوران و مهرستان در مجلس شورای اسلامی، ادامه داد: خیرین افرادی هستند که به درستی مشکلات ناشی از محرومیت در استان سیستان و بلوچستان را تبیین میکنند به گونهای که سزاوار هم مردم این منطقه، هم جامعه و هم حاکمیت باشد.
وی تصریح کرد: ما مکلف هستیم تمام دیدگاههای موجود پیرامون دلایل وجود محرومیت در استان سیستان و بلوچستان را مورد بررسی قرار دهیم و به گونهای برنامهریزی کنیم تا بتوانیم در آینده از بروز هر نوع اتفاق در این منطقه جلوگیری کنیم.
این نماینده مردم در مجلس یازدهم یادآور شد: ما زمانی میتوانیم بگوییم که غرق شدن کودکان در رودخانهها به معضل تبدیل شده است که یک آمار میانگین کشوری را در این رابطه داشته باشیم و چنانچه آمار این منطقه بالاتر بود باید یک آسیبشناسی صورت بگیرد تا مشخص شود که چه دلایلی باعث بروز آن شده است، آیا مراقبت از کودکان مورد غفلت قرار گرفته است یا آموزش به کودکان مورد بیتوجهی قرار گرفته است.
اما در این مصاحبه نه خبرنگار خانه ملت از این نماینده پرسید اساسا آمار عرق شدن کودکان در ایران در چه سطحی است؟ و آیا آن کودکان حین تفریح غرق می شوند و یا حین تلاش برای به دست آوردن آب برای زنده ماندن؟ و البته متاسفانه آماری برای قطع شدن دست و پای کودکان و یا بعضا کشته شدنشان به دست گاندو هم که وجود ندارد
چخوف، چه نیک و در کمال میگوید؛ یک کار هنری وقتی ارزش دارد که بار مسائل جدی اجتماعی را داشته باشد. هنری مهم و با ارزش است که علیه بردگی قد علم کند، یا مبین خشم و انزجار خالقش نسبت به مفاسد طبقهی اشراف باشد.
داستانها و رمانهایی که پر از آه و ناله است و نوشتههایی که راجع به عاشق شدن یکی و فارغ شدن دیگری از عشق باشد، به شما میگویم، چنین مطالبی کاملاً بیارزش و محکوم به فناست.
ما درمورد افراد خلاق همچون شکسپیر و گوته صحبت نمیکنیم، بلکه بحث ما راجع به صدها نویسندهی باذوق و متوسطالحالی است که اگر تنها عشق را رها کنند و خود را وقف آوردن دانش و عقاید و افکار انسانی به میان توده مردم بسازند، پیشرفت زیادی خواهند کرد.
حسنا و مرتضای ۳ساله، اسماعیل و رویا، عبدالغفار و… تا مهدی محمد و دانیال!
سر و سینه های کودکانهی شکافته از شلیکهای مرگبار بر جسم کودکانهیشان میرسیم به وحشت بیداری با دهان روزه و هجوم انبوه چکمهپوشان مسلح بر بالای سرمان، کودکانی ۱۶، ۱۷و ۱۹ ساله، قنداق تفنگی که بر سر مادر میکوبند و بهت از ناتوانی و ضرب و شتم و مرگ و پیچیدن در پتوی پاگرد خانه و…
مادری که دید و از وحشت بیسوگ ماند!
هیچکدام از شاعران بلوچ برایتان مرثیه، شعر نگفتند، هنرمندی، خوانندهای، خطی ننوشتند! شاید که بلوچستان دیگر، هنرمند ندارد!!
Testimony from national guard officer contradicts administration’s version of events
A US national guard officer is set to testify that the Trump administration’s forcible clearing of anti-racism protesters from outside the White House last month was “unprovoked” and an “excessive use of force”. The written testimony from the officer — who was at Lafayette Square on June 1 as a senior Washington national guard liaison — contradicts explanations given by Trump administration officials about the events, including denials that tear gas was used against the protesters. After the demonstrators had been dispersed that evening, Donald Trump walked through the area from the White House to a nearby church for a photo shoot where he held up a Bible. The officer, Adam DeMarco, is scheduled to appear before the House natural resources committee on Tuesday. In his written testimony, released on Monday, he described the demonstrators as “behaving peacefully, exercising their First Amendment rights”. “From my observation, those demonstrators — our fellow American citizens — were engaged in the peaceful expression of their First Amendment rights. Yet they were subjected to an unprovoked escalation and excessive use of force,” according to his prepared remarks. Mr Trump and his appointees have faced intense criticism over the events at Lafayette Square on June 1, which came as a wave of anti-racism protests were sweeping the US after the police killing of George Floyd.
The controversy about the Trump administration’s use of force against protests has continued throughout the summer, with nightly demonstrations at the federal courthouse in Portland, Oregon. Federal forces from the Department of Homeland Security have been deployed to Portland to protect the courthouse.
Local officials have objected, arguing the federal presence is escalating rather than reducing tensions. William Barr, the US attorney-general, has vowed to “continue to confront mob violence”. He is set to appear before the House judiciary committee on Tuesday. Mr Barr has denied ordering federal forces to clear the protesters from around Lafayette Square on the evening of June 1. “My attitude was get it done, but I didn’t say, ‘Go do it’,” he told the Associated Press last month. He has said he gave the order to clear the area much earlier that day, well before there were any plans for Mr Trump’s photo.
Also read An Oral History of Trump’s Bigotry
His racism and intolerance have always been in evidence; only slowly did he begin to understand how to use them to his advantage.
The first quotation from Donald Trump ever to appear in The New York Times came on October 16, 1973. Trump was responding to charges filed by the Justice Department alleging racial bias at his family’s real-estate company. “They are absolutely ridiculous,” Trump said of the charges. “We have never discriminated, and we never would.”
In the years since then, Trump has assembled a long record of comment on issues involving African Americans as well as Mexicans, Hispanics more broadly, Native Americans, Muslims, Jews, immigrants, women, and people with disabilities. His statements have been reflected in his behavior—from public acts (placing ads calling for the execution of five young black and Latino men accused of rape, who were later shown to be innocent) to private preferences (“When Donald and Ivana came to the casino, the bosses would order all the black people off the floor,” a former employee of Trump’s Castle, in Atlantic City, New Jersey, told a writer for The New Yorker). Trump emerged as a political force owing to his full-throated embrace of “birtherism,” the false charge that the nation’s first black president, Barack Obama, was not born in the United States. His presidential campaign was fueled by nativist sentiment directed at nonwhite immigrants, and he proposed barring Muslims from entering the country. In 2016, Trump described himself to The Washington Post as “the least racist person that you’ve ever encountered.”
Instances of bigotry involving Donald Trump span more than four decades. The Atlantic interviewed a range of people with knowledge of several of those episodes. Their recollections have been edited for concision and clarity.
The weight of all forms of American racism on Black people – African, American, Afro-Latinx, Afro-Brazilian, Afro-Caribbean – on Indigenous peoples, on people of colour with proximity to Blackness (collectively, BIPOC) is often overwhelming.
At sea level, the Earth’s atmosphere exerts 14.7 pounds per square inch on us all. Or, for metric-system lovers, 1 kilogram per square centimetre. Racism has a weight that is equal to atmospheric pressure, doubling the effect of the Earth’s air on every square inch of every Black and Indigenous person’s body, mind, and spirit.
All that weight, all this constant pressure, equivalent to being 10 metres underwater, slowly drowns many a Black and Indigenous person, outside-in and inside-out.
From conception to the afterlife, this weight is inescapable.
Black hyper-masculinity and Latino patriarchy cannot shift it. Nor can socioeconomic mobility and educational achievements. Nor can alcohol or drugs or sex. Nor can Christianity or respectability politics or virginity or “doin’ the right thing.” No matter a BIPOC’s class standing, this weight and pressure is always there.
It constricts skin and muscle, crushes bone and bone marrow, entangles neurones and blood vessels. Leaving so many Black and Indigenous persons in a constant state of anxiety-ridden awareness. No human should be on alert for attacks and oppression their whole lives.
I have been an American Black male for more than half a century. There have been only a handful of times since turning seven and watching the mini-series Roots for the first time in 1977 when I have not felt this excess weight, this otherwise unyielding pressure.
I was talking to a Black friend this week about a recent string of anti-Semitic tweets from Black celebrities when he hit me with a question that caught me by surprise.
“When did Jews become the enemy of Black people?”My quick answer: Never.You might not know that, however, if you’ve seen a string of anti-Semitic comments from entertainer Nick Cannon, NFL wide receiver DeSean Jackson and former NBA player Stephen Jackson. All three later offered apologies for their comments, which evoked the anti-Semitic pronouncements of Minister Louis Farrakhan, head of the Nation of Islam.
The Southern Poverty Law Center has condemned both Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam, calling their rhetoric “deeply racist” and “anti-Semitic.”The comments by Cannon and the two Jacksons caused a stir and puzzled some who wondered how people who have presumably been victims of racism could voice prejudice towards another minority group. Luminaries such as Kareem Abdul-Jabbar wrote a column asking why there wasn’t more outrage over the remarks.
Ravi Perry, an activist and chairman of the political science department at Howard University, rejects the notion that there is a rising tide of anti-Semitism among Black people or some new tension between the two groups.”There is no more prejudice in the Black community around people of the Jewish faith or ethnicity than any other groups,” Perry says. “Just like Black people don’t commit more crimes than White people. Just like Black people aren’t more homophobic than Whites. Black people are not more anti-Semitic than other groups.” Read More
Trump’s push to amplify racism unnerves Republicans who have long enabled him
President Trump’s unyielding push to preserve Confederate symbols and the legacy of white domination, crystallized by his harsh denunciation of the racial justice movement Friday night at Mount Rushmore, has unnerved Republicans who have long enabled him but now fear losing power and forever associating their party with his racial animus.
Although amplifying racism and stoking culture wars have been mainstays of Trump’s public identity for decades, they have been particularly pronounced this summer as the presidenthas reacted to the national reckoning over systemic discrimination by seeking to weaponize the anger and resentment of some white Americans for his own political gain.
Trump has left little doubt through his utterances the past few weeks that he sees himself not only as the Republican standard-bearer but as leader of a modern grievance movement animated by civic strife and marked by calls for “white power,” the phrase chanted by one of his supporters in a video the president shared last weekend on Twitter. He later deleted the video but did not disavow its message.
Trump put his strategy to resuscitate his troubled reelection campaign by galvanizing white supporters on display Friday night under the chiseled granite gaze of four past presidents memorialized in the Black Hills of South Dakota. He celebrated Independence Day with a dystopian speech in which he excoriated racial justice protesters as “evil” representatives of a “new far-left fascism” whose ultimate goal is “the end of America.”
“Our nation is witnessing a merciless campaign to wipe out our history, defame our heroes, erase our values, and indoctrinate our children,” Trump said to boos from a packed crowd of supporters. “Angry mobs are trying to tear down statues of our founders, deface our most sacred memorials, and unleash a wave of violent crime in our cities.” Read more