A brief guide to Steve King’s ‘long history of racist statements’
A brief guide to Steve King’s ‘long history of racist statements’
With nearly two decades of Steven Arnold King as a national political figure, the American public has become well-acquainted with the “Groundhog Day” parameters of the Steve King news cycle.
1. The Republican representative from Iowa says or tweets something widely viewed as racist, anti-Semitic, white nationalist, or he insults immigrants, blacks, Latinos, women seeking abortions — or some combination thereof.
2. Outrage ensues, and King’s words are denounced by fellow Republicans, with such phrases as “completely inappropriate” and “we must stand up against white supremacy.”
3. King says or tweets that he is not racist, denounces the Holocaust, or says that his remarks were obviously taken out of context.
ELDER: If Trump is racist he needs to go back to racism school
Abraham Lincoln, when informed that Gen. Ulysses S. Grant was a drunk, famously asked Grant’s accusers what whisky he was drinking so Lincoln could send a barrel to every general in the army. Keep this in mind when U.S. President Donald Trump’s critics accuse him of “racism” against blacks.
Under this “racist” president, black unemployment, since the government began keeping numbers, hit an all-time low in May. Polls show that inner-city parents want choice in education: specifically, they want the means to opt out of sending their children to an under-performing government school the child has been mandated to attend.
Think tanks on the left (like the Brookings Institution) and think tanks on the right (like the Heritage Foundation) pretty much agree on the formula to escape poverty: finish high school; get married before having a child; and do not have that child before you are financially capable of assuming that responsibility.
But what about the quality of that high school education? A 2004 Fordham Institute study found 44% of Philadelphia public-school teachers with school-age children of their own placed them in private schools. By 2013, the nationwide average for private-school attendance was 11% of white families and 5% of black families.
About choice in education, Trump’s secretary of education, Betsy DeVos, said: “What can be done about (improving primary education) is empowering parents to make the choices for their kids. Any family that has the economic means and the power to make choices is doing so for their children.”
A 2016 poll in “Education Next” found 64% of blacks supported “a tax credit for individual and corporate donations that pay for scholarships to help low-income parents send their children to private schools.” Similarly, A 2015 PDK/Gallup Poll found 68% of blacks wanted the ability to “choose which public schools in the community the students attend, regardless of where they live.”
Trump also wants to stop illegal immigration. Why should that matter to urban blacks?
Harvard economist George Borjas, in his 2013 research paper “Immigration and the American Worker,” wrote: “Classifying workers by education level and age and comparing differences across groups over time shows that a 10% increase in the size of an education/age group due to the entry of immigrants (both legal and illegal) reduces the wage of native-born men in that group by 3.7% and the wage of all native-born workers by 2.5%.”
As to illegal immigration, Borjas says: “Although the net benefits to natives from illegal immigrants are small, there is a sizable redistribution effect. Illegal immigration reduces the wage of native workers by an estimated (US)$99 to $118 billion a year, and generates a gain for businesses and other users of immigrants of $107 to $128 billion.”
Hate Was Not a Winning Ticket
If Trump’s election in 2016 was a victory for the demagoguery of racist nationalism, the midterms marked a quiet but meaningful repudiation of that vision.
Looming over the campaign trail was the “migrant caravan,” which Trump painted as an invading boogeyman, illustrated with vitriolic racial caricatures.
But Trump’s last-minute racist television ad did not seem to have its intended effect.
There was no dramatic sweep, but a number of midterm victories showed that the constituencies most historically disenfranchised at the ballot box—youth, immigrants, and communities of color—could still be a linchpin in a broken election process.
Though some of the marquee elections ended in close losses, and Democrats lost ground in the Senate, progressive candidates will inject key state, local, and congressional seats with much-needed fresh blood.
A mass protest against racism will take place in downtown Montreal this weekend
mass protest against racism will take place in downtown Montreal this weekend
Thousands of participants are already signed up to partake in a mass protest this Sunday.
The goal is to march against racism in retaliation to the CAQ’s stance on immigrants and religious symbols.
Hosted by a public group called “Contre la haine et le racism” (Against Hate and Racism).
Moreover, the anti-racist protest will take off from Place Émilie-Gamelin at 3 pm
And encourages people and families to show support in large numbers.
“With the results of the recent Quebec election
– giving a majority to a political party that unapologetically used xenophobia against immigrants and religious minorities –
It’s more important than ever to take the streets in opposition to racism.”
Reads the group’s website.
The group says that immigrants have been scapegoated and made to feel fear by far-right proposals, like lowering immigration levels, a French values and language test, and deporting those who fail the test.
The protest will also refute the policy that public workers will be banned from wearing religious symbols in the workplace.
The group urges participants to take to the streets with a clear opposing message to the CAQ and “their racist far-right supporters.”
The march will support the members of all communites, the struggles of Indigenous people, immigrants and all oppressed people.
The march will bring together people for a society without borders, based on solidarity and inclusion.
Italy used to be a tolerant country, but now racism is rising
Pape Diaw, originally from Senegal, arrived in Florence to study engineering in the late 1970s. Part of a group of 15 African students, he inspired curiosity among his Italian counterparts and the wider community, but never encountered racism. “I remember walking along the street and people would ask to have a photo taken,” he said.
“We were seen as a novelty, but never insulted. When we went to process our residency permits, the police officers would give us coffee.
“Yes, Italy might have been behind [other countries] when it came to cultural mindset, but we were well-received.”
Different times. Ahead of national elections on 4 March, xenophobic rhetoric is dominating a campaign that has turned nasty and divisive. Matters took a toxic turn earlier this month, when 28-year-old Luca Traini injured six African migrants in a racially motivated shooting spree in the central city of Macerata.
Traini had been a candidate at local elections last year for the Northern League, one of two anti-migrant parties that form part of a motley coalition led by Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia. Both the League and its junior ally, Brothers of Italy, are crusading on an “Italians First” platform, targeting the 600,000 migrants who have landed on Italy’s southern shores over the past four years, fleeing war, poverty and oppression. For immigrants of longer standing, the rising hostility towards outsiders has been a profoundly depressing development after years of gradual integration.
Diaw, who helps integrate newly arrived migrants on behalf of Il Cenacolo, a Florence-based social cooperative, traces the change in feeling towards immigrants back to 2007, the year the financial crisis took hold. “When Italians are doing good, when they have money and work, they don’t worry about immigrants. But when they suffer, they lose their heads and look for someone to blame.”
Don Trump Jr.: My Dad Can’t Be Racist Because He Used to Hang Out With “All The Rappers”
In an interview with conservative news site The Daily Caller, Donald Trump Jr. put on a new spin on the myopic “I have black friends” defense when disputing accusations of racism. While being tossed softball questions by Ginni Thomas, wife of SCOTUS justice Clarence Thomas, the junior Trump went to bat for his father, President Trump, amid claims that one of the chief proponents of birtherism is indeed racist.
According to Don Jr, his father — who was sued by the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights division in the ’70s for allegedly discriminating against black tenants — can’t be racist because he hung out with “all the rappers” prior to running for president.
“The real problem is those things exist, certainly racism exists, but if it’s your response to any argument you can’t win, you actually do a real disservice to those people actually afflicted by it,” Don Jr told Thomas, “by those people who are actually oppressed and hurt by real racism and real sexism.”
That statement raises the question as to what Don Jr considers “real racism.” The Central Park Five, a group of of black and Latino youths wrongly convicted of an assault and rape they didn’t commit, were certainly affected by “real racism” when Don Jr.’s dad spent $85,000 on full-page newspaper ads calling for their executions. “Real racism” arguably plays a role into why Trump refuses to apologize even after their convictions were vacated after DNA evidence exonerated them. “Real racism” certainly plays a role in why his dad accused unauthorized Mexican immigrants of being “rapists” while announcing his candidacy and why he picks fights with NFL players who take a knee during the anthem.
Don Jr. laments all the photo ops his dad enjoyed with prominent black celebrities before he entered the political arena.
Latino Immigrants Across The U.S. Report Similar Levels Of U.S
Former Maricopa County sheriff Joe Arpaio recently announced his bid for the Arizona Senate seat being vacated by Republican Jeff Flake. To say that Arpaio is a controversial figure is putting it mildly: He was sued by the Department of Justice for violating Latinos’ civil rights and found in contempt of court for illegally detaining unauthorized immigrants, among other things. And Arpaio isn’t the only staunchly anti-immigration politician in Arizona.
The state is also home to SB 1070, a law that requires law-enforcement agents to check the immigration status of anyone they stop who they suspect of being in the country without documentation.1 Arizona’s turn against unauthorized immigration provoked a series of protests and inspired the bilingual song “Todos Somos Arizona” (“We Are All Arizona”).
Given that context, you might expect immigrants to view Arizona as among the places where they’d be most likely to experience discrimination. But they don’t. For the years before 2010, there was surprisingly little variation in immigrants’ perceptions of discrimination across states. And to the extent that states do vary, immigrants in Arizona reported relatively low levels of discrimination.
Even more recently, there is not much evidence that Latinos, both immigrant and native-born, see much difference in levels of discrimination across states. In that respect, immigrants may be similar to their native-born neighbors: They may react more to events on the national stage — say, the fight over the future of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals policy — than to what’s happening closer to home.
With a team of political scientists and social psychologists — Jonathan Mummolo, Victoria Esses, Cheryl Kaiser, Monica McDermott and Helen Marrow — I investigated how immigrants’ perceptions of discrimination vary across states and localities in a 2016 article in Politics, Groups and Identities.2 We expected that immigrants’ perceptions of discrimination would vary significantly depending on where those immigrants had settled.
Using Data to Combat Prejudice Against Immigrants
– What are the contributions of migrants to trade, to the economy of their countries of destination and origin? This is an angle that is generally ignored in the international debate on the subject, which usually focuses more on issues such as the incidence of foreigners in crime or unemployment.
In order to discuss these and other questions, international experts met in Buenos Aires on on Thursday, Dec. 14, at the first Forum on Migration, Trade and the Global Economy.
Not coincidentally, but to highlight the links between both topics, the event was held a day after the end of the 11th Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), also held in the Argentine capital.
“Migration is treated today in the world almost as a police matter. We stress the need to address the issue a different way, analysing the favourable economic outlook, especially in international trade,” said Aníbal Jozami, president of the Foro del Sur Foundation.
There are some 244 million migrants in the world today – around three percent of the total population – according to figures provided by Diego Beltrand, the IOM regional director for South America.
The number of migrants grew by an estimated 300 percent over the last 50 years. Different kinds of evidence of their economic contribution, something that is usually ignored, were presented at the forum.
This lack of knowledge about the positive impact of migration is the reason why, Beltrand said, “freedom of trade has been widely recognised around the world, but not freedom of movement for people.”
Finland discriminates against immigrants
Discrimination against people of Sub-Saharan African descent in Finland is common. According to the findings of a new survey, almost a half (45%) of the respondents reported that they have experienced discrimination over the past year and 60% that they have experienced discrimination over the past five years.
Their experiences were mostly related to the use of public and private services, such as employment, health care and hospitality services.
The findings come from the second the European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey (EU-MIDIS II). A total of 25,500 randomly selected first- and second-generation immigrants and members of ethnic minorities were interviewed.
As reported by The Helsinki Times, 500 people of immigrant and ethnic minority group backgrounds were interviewed in Finland’s capital region.
Discrimination against people of Sub-Saharan African descent in Finland is common. According to the findings of a new survey, almost a half (45%) of the respondents reported that they have experienced discrimination over the past year and 60% that they have experienced discrimination over the past five years. Their experiences were mostly related to the use of public and private services, such as employment, health care and hospitality services. Their experiences were mostly related to the use of public and private services, such as employment, health care and hospitality services. The findings come from the second the European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey (EU-MIDIS II). A total of 25,500 randomly selected first- and second-generation immigrants and members of ethnic minorities were interviewed. As reported by The Helsinki Times, 500 people of immigrant and ethnic minority group backgrounds were interviewed in Finland’s capital region. The findings come from the second the European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey (EU-MIDIS II). A total of 25,500 randomly selected first- and second-generation immigrants and members of ethnic minorities were interviewed. As reported by The Helsinki Times, 500 people of immigrant and ethnic minority group backgrounds were interviewed in Finland’s capital region.
The Soft Racism of Apu from “The Simpsons”
On the continuum of racist things, Apu Nahasapeemapetilon initially seems but a minor transgression. Apu is the good-natured owner of the local convenience store on “The Simpsons,” the beloved cartoon that recently began its twenty-ninth season. In his best moments, he’s one of the few sane, hardworking people on the show. He sees the world askance, like a critic softly lampooning the casual bigotry of those around him. He represents a different kind of American Dream than the one on display throughout the rest of Springfield, the town where the series is set, and where so many seem to fail upward. It’s hard to be too mad when Apu cuts corners, too, wiping clean a hot dog that’s fallen on the floor and putting it back out for customers, for instance.
But Apu’s most distinguishing trait is his accent: theatrically thick, as though someone is luxuriating in all those exotic curled “R”s and the nasally twang. The thirty-four-year-old comedian Hari Kondabolu, who grew up in Queens, among immigrant accents from all over the world, describes Apu’s voice as “a white guy doing an impression of a white guy making fun of my father.” A few years ago, Kondabolu recorded a segment for W. Kamau Bell’s nightly show, “Totally Biased,” in which he griped about Apu’s influence on South Asian representation. The riff struck a nerve, and Kondabolu went on to make “The Problem with Apu,” a short documentary that revolves around Kondabolu’s obsessive quest to confront the actor Hank Azaria, who voices Apu, and to reason with him. (Azaria, the descendant of Sephardic Jews, also grew up in Queens.) In the movie, which will air on TruTV on Sunday, Kondabolu talks to other children of immigrants who work in comedy, including Aziz Ansari, Aparna Nancherla, and Hasan Minhaj, and explores their vexed relationship with this character who once seemed to define the parameters for South Asians onscreen. In an early scene, we see Kondabolu performing at a comedy club;